Black Democrat Leaders vs 2010 GOP Sweep: Dems Lose

Voting Leaves New York’s Black Democrats With Less Power


Even as Democrats gathered in the ballroom of a Manhattan hotel last week to celebrate their party’s sweep of statewide offices in New York, a sober realization began to dawn among some in the crowd: What once seemed like a new golden age for the state’s black political establishment could be on the verge of an abrupt collapse.

Come January, the state’s first Black governor, David A. Paterson, will leave the Governor’s mansion after serving less than one term. Representative Charles B. Rangel, the dean of New York’s Congressional delegation and head of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee until this year, will return to Washington as a member of the Democratic minority, as will Representative Edolphus Towns, who will lose the top post on the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.

And in what many see as the biggest blow, Democrats appear likely to lose their majority in the State Senate, costing African-Americans their highest-ranking remaining post in state government. Black leaders in New York regarded holding the majority, headed by Senator John L. Sampson of Brooklyn, as their highest priority this election.

“We are going to have to adapt to a new landscape and some loss of political power,” said Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries, a Brooklyn Democrat.

The shift has set off a round of jockeying and recrimination in black political circles, as black elected officials and operatives grapple with what is both a genuine diminishing of their power in government and a profound symbolic setback.

“I got a bit nostalgic myself on Election Day,” said Assemblyman Keith L. T. Wright, the chairman of the Manhattan Democratic organization and a mainstay of the Harlem political scene.

Mr. Wright said blacks would continue to have influence under the governor-elect, Andrew M. Cuomo. But Mr. Paterson’s exit — coming on top of the ethics accusations against Mr. Rangel and the narrow loss last year of William C. Thompson, the Democratic candidate for mayor against Michael R. Bloomberg — was an emotional blow, Mr. Wright said.

Mr. Wright said he had called the governor last Tuesday to reminisce about how the two men, when Mr. Paterson was a state senator from Harlem, would walk the neighborhood together greeting voters on Election Day.

“This is probably the first time his name was not on the ballot in well over 20 years,” Mr. Wright said, adding: “He’s going to be fine. I lamented.”

Mr. Thompson, who plans to run for mayor again in 2013, noted that the loss of the House had not only stripped Mr. Rangel and Mr. Towns of their chairmanships, but had also thrown into the minority rising black representatives like Yvette D. Clarke of Brooklyn.

“It’s a real concern,” Mr. Thompson, a former city comptroller from Brooklyn, said. “People are talking about it.”

The situation has changed drastically from just a year ago, he said.

“African-Americans had a president, committee chairs and other positions in the House, the governor, and control of the State Senate,” Mr. Thompson said. “And all that could evaporate in a short period of time.”

Complicating emotions is an uncomfortable reality: Mr. Paterson, Mr. Rangel and Democratic leaders in the State Senate all faced accusations of financial impropriety or misuse of their offices. While some black officials consider those accusations to be unfair and even racially tinged, others grumble about missed chances.

“There are people in the African-American community who are frustrated,” said one black political operative, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he did not want to be seen as criticizing black leaders.

“There’s no one you can point to in government who is in a senior position right now,” the operative added, “who you can say with pride: that person symbolizes what public service and effectiveness is all about.”

Many worry about the loss of influence over important legislation, noting that the combination of Mr. Paterson and a State Senate led by black Democrats had ensured that some long-delayed policy priorities — the overhaul of the Rockefeller-era drug sentencing laws, and new protections against police stop-and-frisk policies — were finally achieved.

“The danger there is that black folks could be left out,” said Tyquana L. Henderson, a Democratic political consultant. “There will be some policies that need to be changed that won’t be changed. There will be legislation that will need to be put forward that won’t be put forward.”

For Mr. Cuomo, who won overwhelmingly among black voters last week but whose relations with black elected officials have at times been fraught, the shift may bring headaches as well as opportunity.

Mr. Paterson’s departure and Mr. Rangel’s decreased role are likely to hasten a generational shift among black politicians in New York, as younger elected officials from Brooklyn, Queens and the Bronx join the Harlem old guard in positions of influence. Mr. Cuomo already enjoys closer ties — and fewer ancient grudges — with the newer generation, who are eager to take up a more prominent role in Albany affairs.

Yet new grudges may already be forming. Some black Democrats grumble that Mr. Cuomo did not do enough to help Democrats retain the State Senate, an obligation they believe he owed them after choosing the Rochester mayor, Robert J. Duffy, as his running mate last spring, leaving the party’s statewide slate entirely white.

While Mr. Cuomo did endorse a number of Democrats for the State Senate in the last weeks before Election Day, some candidates questioned whether he contributed enough money from his own bulging campaign accounts to help them.

In the closing days of the campaign, according to people familiar with the discussions, Mr. Cuomo did direct aides to encourage his donors to provide a last-minute influx of cash to the Senate campaign committee. But some Senate Democrats hoped for more.

While Mr. Cuomo has pledged to make diversity a hallmark of his administration, his inner circle is both close-knit and almost all white, limiting his options to make a high-profile senior appointment within the executive chamber.

And black leaders said they would not be satisfied with appointments to midsize agencies and departments, or those traditionally associated with issues of concern to the African-American community.

“Traditionally, the commissionerships that people of color get are children and family services, the human rights commission, that sort of thing,” Assemblyman Carl E. Heastie, the Bronx Democratic chairman, said. “I’d like to see people of color considered for some of the major agencies and authorities.”

Some black leaders worry that they will be unable to gain attention for issues that Mr. Paterson and Senate leaders pushed, like expanding opportunities for black-owned businesses to compete for state contracts.

“Those positions have increased our ability to do things that are important to the community,” Mr. Jeffries, the Brooklyn assemblyman, said. “There are a lot of things we could not have accomplished. Absent partners in the Senate and elsewhere, things could be a little rough over the next few years.”







Charlotte Mayor Anthony Foxx Continues To Urge City-County Merger

Charlotte Mayor Anthony Foxx is still pushing for the city and county to consolidate some departments to save money - the first step toward what he hopes will be the full political merger of the two governments, and the eventual independence of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools.

Mecklenburg commissioners this week asked their staff to explore how to consolidate some departments with the city, and Foxx said Friday he's hopeful the talks will lead to action.

While combining the four departments under study - Medic/fire, human resources, permitting and government TV -- wouldn't likely save a significant amount of money, it could be a crucial step toward having one body of elected officials making decisions and one manager.

After merging the city and county, Foxx said he supports breaking CMS from the county, something that would require state approval.

"If I had my magic wand, there would be one taxing authority for the city and county, and another (taxing authority) for the school board," Foxx said.

The hurdles to political consolidation are considerable.

Political consolidation has been discussed for decades in Charlotte. In 1971, voters defeated a merger. In 1996, the Charlotte City Council was moving toward placing consolidation on the ballot, then voted against it.

There is also entrenched opposition, or at least hesitancy, towards a merger.

Some managers would lose their titles or positions. Mecklenburg County Board of Commissioners chair Jennifer Roberts, a Democrat, has said she would be willing to study political consolidation, but it's likely some elected officials would be against it, fearing they might lose their jobs. A combined government would likely have fewer than the 21 elected officials who represent the city and county.

"How many elected officials would there be? It wouldn't be 21, but it wouldn't be three," Foxx said.

County Manager Harry Jones told commissioners this week that his staff is too busy to work on consolidation at the moment. He and his staff are working with the ongoing library task force, boosting financial management within departments and crafting a new plan to pay for and manage construction projects.

"We have got a full, full plate right now," Jones said.

City Manager Curt Walton said Friday "nothing has happened" since the City Council authorized work on it in June.

"Harry and I haven't talked about it yet," Walton said. "Given what's on his plate, and my plate, it won't happen right away."

The city and the county already share many countywide functions. The city controls departments such as animal control, the Charlotte-Mecklenburg police, water/sewer and transit. The county handles parks, solid-waste disposal and tax collection. The talk of political consolidation came in part after the county's budget crisis this spring. Mecklenburg County made tens of millions of dollars in cuts to schools, parks and social services, while the city made lesser cuts, and gave employees a raise.

'Emergency' in Education

Having one government would give a manager more departments that could be cut to balance a budget. Instead of the brunt of cuts falling on a few departments, the pain could be spread out, Foxx has said.

Foxx said having an independent school system with taxing authority could help CMS have more flexibility in dealing with budget shortfalls. Because CMS is dependent on state and county funding, Foxx said school officials must try to guess "where the hockey puck will end up."

Foxx said there is a "national emergency" in education, and a "local emergency," as well. He added that "we don't have a second to waste."

Foxx, a graduate of West Charlotte High, has spoken at length about the importance of CMS to the Charlotte region.

Move to Private School

This year, he switched his oldest child from a CMS school to Charlotte Country Day, one of the city's private schools. Foxx hasn't picked a school for his youngest child.

When asked by the Observer Friday whether issues at CMS had influenced his decision to switch to Country Day, Foxx declined to comment.

Faced with a loss of $100 million in state and local funding, CMS is considering more layoffs, as well school closings.




Charlotte Mayor Anthony Foxx "Grieves" Over Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools Budget Problems



Mayor Anthony Foxx said he was grieving as he watched the Charlotte Mecklenburg School system wrestle with its plan to close schools in order to save money for teachers.

“We have a national emergency in education and if we have a national emergency, we have a local emergency,” said Foxx at a meeting with reporters.

He said he understands the “consternation” in the community over school closings.

“We’re grieving because we’re starting to lose institutions that are fundamental to the fabric or our community,” he said.

His own solution to the problem would be to consolidate the city and Mecklenburg County governments. The mayor said it would be a better way of funding CMS.

“I’d take the 48 percent of the county budget that goes to schools and I’d shift it over to the school system,” he said.

But School Board Chairman Eric Davis said that kind of consolidation would have to win the support of the state legislature and he did not think that was likely right now.

“It is an idea worth exploring. Whether it is something that can actually be realized depends a great deal on the public’s word to the state legislature about how much they desire this local control,” Davis said.

Foxx said something has to be done.

“The thing that worries me the most, even more than school closures is how we’re going to get every child the best opportunity to learn,” he explained.






Legislative Changes On The Way In North Carolina Senate & House

N.C. Senate President Pro Tem Marc Basnight, D-Dare, has been one of the most powerful individuals in state government since the early 1990s, but his long reign as the Senate's top leader appears to be at an end.

Republican candidates for the N.C. Senate appeared to be taking over that chamber for the first time since 1898 and the party's candidates for the House appeared to be winning the House of Representatives for the first time since 1997 as well.

With an Anti-Incumbent mood running among voters in legislative elections, Democrats in North Carolina who dominated the General Assembly in the 20th and so far the 21st centuries will surely find Raleigh a far different place when the General Assembly reconvenes in 2011.

Democrat Bev Perdue will still be Governor for at least another two years, of course, but many things are likely to change

Republicans who have been thwarted in their legislative efforts will find a different atmosphere. The electoral change would open up new leadership opportunities for Republicans such as Sen. Bob Rucho of Charlotte and Rep. Thom Tillis of Mecklenburg.

The Senate changes include the biennial drafting of the state budget, for which Republicans have been laying plans for months to trim more than $3 billion from the state's roughly $20 billion operating budget. Some plans envision cutting up to 20 percent to make ends meet.

Perhaps just as important is the redrawing of congressional and legislative districts for the upcoming decade. Those districts must be revised every 10 years following the Census, and Republicans will have the chance to guide redistricting committees through the process for the first time in modern state history.





Also important to Republicans is Court of Appeals Judge Barbara Jackson's lead over Democratic Court of Appeals Judge Bob Hunter for the N.C. Supreme Court seat held by outgoing justice Ed Brady. Although these seats are nonpartisan, it's no secret that Jackson is a Republican, as is Brady. And her election would not only preserve a 4-3 Republican-Democrat split on the court, it will also give the N.C. court a majority of female justices. It's foolish to predict how justices will vote based on their political party, but it will comfort Republicans in redistricting lawsuits that the numbers at least appear to be on their side.

Democrats no doubt will now have second thoughts about their refusal to go along with Republican proposals in past years to create a nonpartisan commission to study demographic changes and draft new districts for the state's 13 congressional districts and 170 legislative districts. It will be another decade before districts could be redrawn, and Democrats will have time to ponder their lost opportunities - apparently from the back bench.



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Sources: McClatchy Newspapers, MSNBC, NY Times, WCNC, WRAL, Google Maps

Gov. Paterson Forced Out By Dirty Dems & Racism, Back Stabbers!

Senator Kirsten Gillibrand Joins Chorus Of Demands For Gov. Paterson's Resignation


A besieged Gov. Paterson retreated into bunker-mode Tuesday, holing up in his mansion as demands he resign rained down - even from his hand-picked senator.

Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand lowered the boom as the exploding scandal claimed another scalp: State Police Superintendent Harry Corbitt said he'll retire at the end of Wednesday.

"I'm a cop, a good cop," Corbitt told the "Capitol Tonight" cable show last night. "For my own health, for my own sanity, it's the right thing."

The most shocking evidence of Paterson's crumbling world came from Gillibrand, a little-known upstate congresswoman before Paterson plucked her from obscurity last year to fill Hillary Clinton's vacant seat.

Gillibrand joined a chorus of others in calling on Paterson to resign if allegations he interfered with a domestic violence case against his top aide, David Johnson, prove true.

Paterson had a phone conversation with Johnson's alleged victim, Sherr-una Booker, on Feb. 7 - and the next day she didn't show up in court, prompting a judge to toss the case.

Corbitt's troopers also talked with Booker, who accused the lawmen of "harassing" her.

"Domestic violence and abuse of power have no place in our society," Gillibrand told NY1 News, "and certainly no place in our government."



The fall-out followed a day during which Paterson stayed mostly locked up in his mansion, wobbling between anger, determination and despair, insiders said, as a parade of Democratic leaders came and went.

Those who emerged pleaded that Paterson be given some time as Attorney General Andrew Cuomo investigates the mess.

"I made that point... that there shouldn't be any other shoes to drop. The sense that I got from him is that there would not be" a hopeful Democratic State Committee chair Jay Jacobs as he left.

"Let's all pipe down, sit back, let the governor get his story out," he added.

Where and when Paterson planned to tell his story remained unclear.

But a source close to him told The News that Paterson hired a lawyer, and that he was looking forward to telling his side in the coming days.

The source said Paterson would argue that Booker called him, and his intent was only to help her fend off reporters and to offer his aid - which he had given when she previously battled cancer, a source said.

"His motivation was not to involve himself in the domestic abuse case," said the source. "He believes his motivations were pure."

Paterson's reputation was in such tatters that even ex-Sen. Hiram Monserrate - ousted by colleagues for assaulting his girlfriend - expressed pity.

"My prayers are with the governor," Monserrate said.

He emerged from his private fortress around 4 p.m. and headed into a meeting at the Capitol, pausing only to say he had no plans to step down and that he'll have something to say "soon."

He is expected to convene a Cabinet meeting Wednesday at 11 a.m.

The summit comes amid reports that Paterson placed himself and numerous aides at the center of the ugly domestic violence case against Johnson, the legally blind governor's right-hand man.



By Tuesday, Paterson's staff was so fed up, they told the governor they wouldn't put out any statements on the matter - saying it should all come from his lawyers.

Cuomo, at a fund-raising event last night, said the governor's office has been "fully cooperative."

"We understand the pressures," Cuomo said.

Meanwhile, the political firestorm spread to the state's powerful National Organization for Women, which joined Gillibrand and GOP gubernatorial candidate Rick Lazio in calling for Paterson's resignation if the probe uncovers wrongdoing.

Paterson still had his defenders.

Everyone who traipsed out of the governor's mansion - a parade that included Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver; Senators Pedro Espada, Ruben Diaz Sr., and Martin Dilan; and Assembly members Jose Rivera, Peter Rivera, and Carmen Arroyo - said Paterson should hang on, for now.

"I do not feel that he should resign," Silver said.

Others insisted that with a $9 billion deficit hanging over the state and only a few weeks to come up with a budget, Paterson was quickly running out of time.

Said one top Senate official: "We can't get a budget done if he's not going to come out of his chicken coop."




Paterson's Silver lining: Embattled Gov. Gets Much Needed Endorsement From NY Assembly Speaker


Gov. Paterson got some heavyweight support Tuesday from Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, who emerged from a high-stakes lunch with the embattled governor to say Paterson should keep his job.

"I do not feel he should resign," Silver told reporters as he left the Executive Mansion around 1 p.m.

Silver's defense came as Paterson's political life hung in the balance, with even some of his closest supporters calling on him to resign.

At the same time, the state's Democratic Party chair was on his way to Albany for a "realistic" chat.

Amid shocking reports suggesting Paterson personally ordered aides to contact a domestic violence victim who was pointing the finger at his right-hand man, the National Organization for Women called on Paterson to quit.

"It is inappropriate for the Governor to have any contact or to direct anyone to contact an alleged victim of violence," said NOW-NYS President Marcia Pappas, whose group has long supported Paterson.

Pappas concluded: "We at the National Organization for Women-New York State believe that, in spite of the governor's heretofore excellent record on women's issues, it is now time for the governor to step down."

At the same time, New York State Democratic chairman Jay Jacobs was on his way to Albany Tuesday in hopes of meeting with the governor.

Jacob's planned sit-down comes as new reports claimed Paterson ordered his press secretary, Marissa Shorenstein, to contact domestic violence victim Sherr-una Booker, who had accused top Paterson aide David Johnson of beating her up on Halloween night last year.

Paterson also directed another state worker, Deneane Brown, to reach out to Booker, who was already being pressured by members of Paterson's State Police detail to drop her complaint, records show.

Shorenstein never made contact, but Brown did - and she set up a Booker-Paterson phone chat on Feb. 7.

The next day, Booker failed to show up in court and her complaint against Johnson was dismissed.

"Suffice it to say, I think the report in this morning papers is damaging," Jacobs told The News Tuesday morning. "I think it's significant. I think it has to be addressed. That's why I'm looking to meet with the governor who I consider a friend."

He added: "The conversation will be very straightforward and realistic."

Jacobs stopped short of saying whether he would ask the governor to resign, but he used a similar language last week when he met with Paterson to discuss his electoral chances. It was at that meeting that Paterson decided to pull the plug on his campaign.

NOW's call for Paterson's resignation added to an already growing chorus that the politically scorched governor find the nearest exit and hand over the Capitol keys to Lt. Gov. Richard Ravitch.

But if Paterson was planning to throw in the towel, he wasn't giving any clues.

One source close to the administration said the governor was digging in his heels, but cautioned, "Everything changes quickly around here, but as of right now, no."

"What's tomorrow's story going to say?" the source asked.

So far, the source said, Paterson's staff has managed to stay focused on their jobs, but he admitted that the scandal has been a distraction.

"I think they are focused on doing their jobs and just being professional about this," he said.

Ravitch gave a flat out "No" Tuesday when asked if he was making plans to become governor.

He said he had a "very pleasant" dinner with Paterson at the Executive Mansion on Monday night, but he insisted there was no talk of resignation.

"I hope very much that he does not resign and that's all I am going to say at this point," Ravitch told reporters.

Ravitch pleaded with the media to begin focusing instead on the state's budget crisis, which he said should command the person of "every responsible person" in the state.

"We have never faced anything like this before," he said of the state's yawning budget deficit, which now tops $9 billion. "We're in a perfect storm and everybody's attention should be on that."

"It's very sad that all this other stuff takes place but I don't have the time to focus on that."


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Sources: NY Daily News, CNN, Bloomberg News, NY Post, Youtube, Google Maps

Obama Admin. Engaging In Partisan Politics For State Governors' Races?... Brilliant Move!

(NBC sources said that President Barack Obama expressed regrets to N.Y. Gov. Paterson on Monday over published reports claiming the president wants Paterson to drop out of the 2010 gubernatorial race. NBC's Brian Williams reports.)

Visit msnbc.com for Breaking News, World News, and News about the Economy

White House Takes a More Aggressive Role in State Races

The White House’s intervention in the race for New York governor is the latest evidence of how President Obama and his top advisers are taking an increasingly direct role in contests across the country, but their assertiveness has bruised some Democrats who suggest it could undercut Pres. Obama’s appeal with voters tired of partisan politics.

The overt involvement of Pres. Obama’s team in New York, where they have tried to ease Gov. David A. Paterson out of the race, has made clear that this is a White House willing to use its clout to help clear the field for favored Democratic candidates and to direct money and other resources in the way it thinks will most benefit the administration and help preserve the Democrats’ majority in Congress.

The president’s top strategists have recruited candidates — and nudged others to step aside — in races in Colorado, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania. They said they intended to continue this practice heading into the 2010 midterm elections, as well as with an eye to the redistricting fights that will go on within states early in the next decade.

The intense involvement reflects the tactics and style of the White House chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, who helped Democrats win the House three years ago as chairman of the Congressional campaign committee.

While some party officials applaud the White House for its efforts — there is widespread concern among Democrats that the party could suffer if Mr. Paterson runs — the actions are drawing alarm from some Democrats who believe they cross a line and run contrary to Pres. Obama’s often-stated pledge to rise above partisan battles.

“The Democratic Party under Pres. Barack Obama did not come into office because of political calculation; it got there because of audacity,” said Representative Joe Sestak, a Pennsylvania Democrat who ignored White House efforts to urge him to stay out of a primary race against Senator Arlen Specter. “To be seen like you are selecting winners and losers in a party-boss way will breed some resentment, and in a longer term it won’t bode well.”

As Pres. Obama flew to New York on Monday, where he appeared briefly with Mr. Paterson, the White House played down any risks in becoming embroiled in state politics. “The hazards of the job,” said Robert Gibbs, the White House press secretary.

Karl Rove, the chief political adviser to President George W. Bush, also actively intervened in state races to make sure Republicans were fielding strong candidates. But Mr. Rove faulted this White House for what he described as its clumsy handling of the situation in New York.

“This was particularly ham-handed,” Mr. Rove said. “They shouldn’t have tried this unless they can make it happen. Even then, they should have acted in a way that was subtle, not messy and ugly.”

Democratic leaders in Congress described this White House as far more assertive than most in trying to shape the political field. “They are very engaged,” said Representative Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, the head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. “They help with candidate recruitment. I talk to Rahm all the time.”

Administration officials denied that, saying they were being selective in which contests to become involved in, choosing races where Democrats were endangered, as in New York, or where they could help advance the president’s legislative agenda.

“The goal is not to be more involved or less involved,” Mr. Emanuel said Monday. “It is to produce a specific objective in specific situations.”

The president’s team intervenes for different reasons.

In Massachusetts, the White House is trying to ensure that the state legislature works quickly to resolve whether Gov. Deval Patrick will be given the power to appoint a replacement for Senator Edward M. Kennedy. That vote could be vital to passing a health plan in the Senate.

In Colorado, Pres. Obama has endorsed Senator Michael Bennet, a Democrat who was appointed to fill a vacancy. Mr. Bennet faces a primary challenger, Andrew Romanoff, a former speaker of the Colorado House, who many Democrats think could be the strongest candidate. But Mr. Bennet was assured that the White House would support him should he face a primary.

Mr. Romanoff said he was not deterred by the endorsement. "I haven’t met a single person who said: "Gosh that’s it". "I’m going to give up my independent judgment and give my decision to the White House," he said.

In Pennsylvania, the White House has rallied behind Mr. Specter, a Republican-turned-Democrat, as he faces off in a Democratic primary against Mr. Sestak. The support from the president reflects a promise Democrats made to Mr. Specter earlier this year in persuading him to switch parties.

“An endorsement by the president is a tremendous boost,” Mr. Specter said. “He’s the captain of the team.”

More than anything, though, the interventions reflect a controlling style of this White House and of Mr. Emanuel, who employed similar hard-ball tactics to recruit candidates when he was running the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. In addition to Mr. Emanuel, the White House political director, Patrick Gaspard, and deputy chief of staff, Jim Messina, keep close watch on all political races.

Gov. Edward G. Rendell of Pennsylvania, a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee, said he thought the White House was acting correctly in trying to shape the outcome of races. But he suggested that Mr. Paterson could recover if the White House gave him time, and said the Obama team had not handled this case well.

“The president is the head of the party, and he has a right to express his opinion,” Mr. Rendell said. “The only thing I would have done differently is not let it become known. This can’t be helpful to the governor.”

The White House’s interest in trying to assure the election of Democrats to Congress reflects its own legislative agenda. But in going after governors, Mr. Rove argued, the concern is more about the president himself. In New York, for example, Democrats are concerned that should Mr. Paterson remain in the race, he would invite a challenge from Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former mayor of New York who ran for president in 2008 and might again.

“The only reason they are doing this in New York,” Mr. Rove said, “is to try to strangle a potential opponent in 2012.”

Yet Democratic governors can be more helpful for a White House than Democrats in Congress. Governors have control over state government and party organizations and tend to build up a network of contributors and supporters. And with redistricting under way across the country next year, the control of statehouses is more critical.

“President Obama is not only president of the country, but head of the Democratic Party,” said Doug Sosnik, who worked as a White House political director for President Bill Clinton. “The outcome of governor’s races in 2010 will have a huge impact on political power in the country for the next decade.”


Sources: NY Times, MSNBC, Whitehouse.gov