The Koch brothers, the most powerful conservative mega donors in the United States, will not use their $400 million political arsenal to block Republican front-runner Donald Trump's path to the presidential nomination, a spokesman told Reuters on Wednesday.
"We have no plans to get involved in the primary," said James Davis, spokesman for Freedom Partners, the Koch brothers' political umbrella group. He would not elaborate on what the billionaire industrialists' strategy would be for the Nov. 8 general election to succeed Democratic President Barack Obama.
Donors and media reports have speculated since a Koch brothers summit in January that they would launch a "Trump Intervention," which would involve deploying the Kochs' vast political network to target the billionaire businessman and former reality TV star in hopes of removing him from the Republican race.
Many Republican party elites and business backers are eager to see Trump, a political outsider who has tapped into America's rising anti-establishment sentiment, fail in his bid for the nomination.
But with Trump racking up a series of sizeable wins in the early nominating contests, there is a growing sense of inevitability he will win the party's mantle.
Three sources close to the Koch brothers, who oppose Trump's protectionist trade rhetoric and views on immigration, said the Kochs were concerned they had not yet seen any attack on Trump stick.
The brothers are also smarting from the millions they pumped into the 2012 Republican presidential bids of Newt Gingrich and Mitt Romney, only to see both candidacies fail, the sources said.
Addressing a luncheon of Republican governors and donors in Washington on Feb. 19, he warned that Donald J. Trump’s increasingly likely nomination would be catastrophic, dooming the party in November. But Mr. Rove, the master strategist of George W. Bush’s campaigns, insisted it was not too late for them to stop Mr. Trump, according to three people present.
At a meeting of Republican governors the next morning, Paul R. LePage of Maine called for action. Seated at a long boardroom table at the Willard Hotel, he erupted in frustration over the state of the 2016 race, saying Mr. Trump’s nomination would deeply wound the Republican Party. Mr. LePage urged the governors to draft an open letter “to the people,” disavowing Mr. Trump and his divisive brand of politics.
The suggestion was not taken up. Since then, Mr. Trump has only gotten stronger, winning two more state contests and collecting the endorsement of Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey.
In public, there were calls for the party to unite behind a single candidate. In dozens of interviews, elected officials, political strategists and donors described a frantic, last-ditch campaign to block Mr. Trump — and the agonizing reasons that many of them have become convinced it will fail. Behind the scenes, a desperate mission to save the party sputtered and stalled at every turn.
Efforts to unite warring candidates behind one failed spectacularly: An overture from Senator Marco Rubio to Mr. Christie angered and insulted the governor. An unsubtle appeal from Mitt Romney to John Kasich, about the party’s need to consolidate behind one rival to Mr. Trump, fell on deaf ears.
At least two campaigns have drafted plans to overtake Mr. Trump in a brokered convention, and the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, has laid out a plan that would have lawmakers break with Mr. Trump explicitly in a general election.
Despite all the forces arrayed against Mr. Trump, the interviews show, the party has been gripped by a nearly incapacitating leadership vacuum and a paralytic sense of indecision and despair, as he has won smashing victories in South Carolina and Nevada. Donors have dreaded the consequences of clashing with Mr. Trump directly. Elected officials have balked at attacking him out of concern that they might unintentionally fuel his populist revolt. And Republicans have lacked someone from outside the presidential race who could help set the terms of debate from afar.
The endorsement by Mr. Christie, a not unblemished but still highly regarded figure within the party’s elite — he is a former chairman of the Republican Governors Association — landed Friday with crippling force. It was by far the most important defection to Mr. Trump’s insurgency: Mr. Christie may give cover to other Republicans tempted to join Mr. Trump rather than trying to beat him. Not just the Stop Trump forces seemed in peril, but also the traditional party establishment itself.
Should Mr. Trump clinch the presidential nomination, it would represent a rout of historic proportions for the institutional Republican Party, and could set off an internal rift unseen in either party for a half-century, since white Southerners abandoned the Democratic Party en masse during the civil rights movement.
Former Gov. Michael O. Leavitt of Utah, a top adviser to Mr. Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign, said the party was unable to come up with a united front to quash Mr. Trump’s campaign.
“There is no mechanism,” Mr. Leavitt said. “There is no smoke-filled room. If there is, I’ve never seen it, nor do I know anyone who has. This is going to play out in the way that it will.”
Resistance Runs Deep
Republicans have ruefully acknowledged that they came to this dire pass in no small part because of their own passivity. There were ample opportunities to battle Mr. Trump earlier; more than one plan was drawn up only to be rejected. Rivals who attacked him early, like Rick Perry and Bobby Jindal, the former governors of Texas and Louisiana, received little backup and quickly faded.
Late last fall, the strategists Alex Castellanos and Gail Gitcho, both presidential campaign veterans, reached out to dozens of the party’s leading donors, including the casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and the hedge-fund manager Paul Singer, with a plan to create a “super PAC” that would take down Mr. Trump. In a confidential memo, the strategists laid out the mission of a group they called “ProtectUS.”
“We want voters to imagine Donald Trump in the Big Chair in the Oval Office, with responsibilities for worldwide confrontation at his fingertips,” they wrote in the previously unreported memo. Mr. Castellanos even produced ads portraying Mr. Trump as unfit for the presidency, according to people who saw them and who, along with many of those interviewed, insisted on anonymity to discuss private conversations.
The two strategists, who declined to comment, proposed to attack Mr. Trump in New Hampshire over his business failures and past liberal positions, and emphasized the extreme urgency of their project. A Trump nomination would not only cause Republicans to lose the presidency, they wrote, “but we also lose the Senate, competitive gubernatorial elections and moderate House Republicans.”
No major donors committed to the project, and it was abandoned. No other sustained Stop Trump effort sprang up in its place.
Resistance to Mr. Trump still runs deep. The party’s biggest benefactors remain totally opposed to him. At a recent presentation hosted by the billionaires Charles G. and David H. Koch, the country’s most prolific conservative donors, their political advisers characterized Mr. Trump’s record as utterly unacceptable, and highlighted his support for government-funded business subsidies and government-backed health care, according to people who attended.
But the Kochs, like Mr. Adelson, have shown no appetite to intervene directly in the primary with decisive force.
The American Future Fund, a conservative group that does not disclose its donors, announced plans on Friday to run ads blasting Mr. Trump for his role in an educational company that is alleged to have defrauded students. But there is only limited time for the commercials to sink in before some of the country’s biggest states award their delegates in early March.
Instead, Mr. Trump’s challengers are staking their hopes on a set of guerrilla tactics and long-shot possibilities, racing to line up mainstream voters and interest groups against his increasingly formidable campaign. Donors and elected leaders have begun to rouse themselves for the fight, but perhaps too late.
Two of Mr. Trump’s opponents have openly acknowledged that they may have to wrest the Republican nomination from him in a deadlocked convention.
Speaking to political donors in Manhattan on Wednesday evening, Mr. Rubio’s campaign manager, Terry Sullivan, noted that most delegates are bound to a candidate only on the first ballot. Many of them, moreover, are likely to be party regulars who may not support Mr. Trump over multiple rounds of balloting, he added, according to a person present for Mr. Sullivan’s presentation, which was first reported by CNN.
Advisers to Mr. Kasich, the Ohio governor, have told potential supporters that his strategy boils down to a convention battle. Judd Gregg, a former New Hampshire senator who had endorsed Jeb Bush, said Mr. Kasich’s emissaries had sketched an outcome in which Mr. Kasich “probably ends up with the second-highest delegate count going into the convention” and digs in there to compete with Mr. Trump.
Several senior Republicans, including Mr. Romney, have made direct appeals to Mr. Kasich to gauge his willingness to stand down and allow the party to unify behind another candidate. But Mr. Kasich has told at least one person that his plan is to win the Ohio primaryon March 15 and gather the party behind his campaign if Mr. Rubio loses in Florida, his home state, on the same day.
In Washington, Mr. Kasich’s persistence in the race has become a source of frustration. At Senate luncheons on Wednesday and Thursday, Republican lawmakers vented about Mr. Kasich’s intransigence, calling it selfishness.
One senior Republican senator, noting that Mr. Kasich has truly contested only one of the first four states, complained: “He’s just flailing his arms around and having a wonderful time going around the country, and it just drives me up the wall.”
Mr. McConnell was especially vocal, describing Mr. Kasich’s persistence as irrational because he has no plausible path to the nomination, several senators said.
While still hopeful that Mr. Rubio might prevail, Mr. McConnell has begun preparing senators for the prospect of a Trump nomination, assuring them that, if it threatened to harm them in the general election, they could run negative ads about Mr. Trump to create space between him and Republican senators seeking re-election. Mr. McConnell has raised the possibility of treating Mr. Trump’s loss as a given and describing a Republican Senate to voters as a necessary check on a President Hillary Clinton, according to senators at the lunches.
He has reminded colleagues of his own 1996 re-election campaign, when he won comfortably amid President Bill Clinton’s easy re-election. Of Mr. Trump, Mr. McConnell has said, “We’ll drop him like a hot rock,” according to his colleagues.
The Rubio Hope
There is still hope that Mr. Rubio might be able to unite much of the party and slow Mr. Trump’s advance in a series of big-state primaries in March, and a host of top elected officials endorsed him over the last week. But Mr. Rubio has struggled to sideline Mr. Kasich and Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, who is running a dogged campaign on the right. He has also been unable to win over several of his former rivals who might help consolidate the Republican establishment more squarely behind him.
Mr. Rubio showed a lack of finesse in dealing with his fallen rivals’ injured egos.
Mr. Christie had attacked Mr. Rubio contemptuously in New Hampshire, calling him shallow and scripted, and humiliating him in a debate. Nevertheless, Mr. Rubio made a tentative overture to Mr. Christie after his withdrawal from the presidential race. He left the governor a voice mail message, seeking Mr. Christie’s support and assuring him that he had a bright future in public service, according to people who have heard Mr. Christie’s characterization of the message.
Mr. Christie, 53, took the message as deeply disrespectful and patronizing, questioning why “a 44-year-old” was telling him about his future, said people who described his reaction on the condition of anonymity. Further efforts to connect the two never yielded a direct conversation.
Mr. Trump, by contrast, made frequent calls to Mr. Christie once he dropped out, a person close to the governor said. After the two met at Trump Tower on Thursday with their wives, Mr. Christie flew to Texas and emerged on Friday to back Mr. Trump and mock Mr. Rubio as a desperate candidate near the end of a losing campaign.
‘Verging on Panic’
Efforts to reconcile Mr. Rubio and Mr. Bush, a former governor of Florida, have been scarcely more successful, dating to before the South Carolina primary, when Mr. Rove reached out to their aides to broker a cease-fire, according to Republicans briefed on the conversations. It did not last.
Mr. Bush has been nearly silent since quitting the race Feb. 20, playing golf with his son Jeb Jr. in Miami and turning to the task of thank-you notes. In a Wednesday conference call with supporters, he did not express a preference among the remaining contenders. When Mr. Rubio called him on Monday, their conversation did not last long, two people briefed on it said, and Mr. Rubio did not ask for his endorsement.
“There’s this desire, verging on panic, to consolidate the field,” said Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, a former supporter of Mr. Bush. “But I don’t see any movement at all.”
Mr. Rubio’s advisers were also thwarted in their efforts to secure an endorsement from Mr. Romney, whom they lobbied strenuously after the Feb. 20 South Carolina primary.
Mr. Romney had been eager to tilt the race, and even called Mr. Christie after he ended his campaign to vent about Mr. Trump and say he must be stopped. On the night of the primary, Mr. Romney was close to endorsing Mr. Rubio himself, people familiar with his deliberations said.
Yet Mr. Romney pulled back, instead telling advisers that he would take on Mr. Trump directly. After a Tuesday night dinner with former campaign aides, during which he expressed a sense of horror at the Republican race, Mr. Romney made a blunt demand Wednesday on Fox News: Mr. Trump must release his tax returns to prove he was not concealing a “bombshell” political vulnerability.
Mr. Trump responded only with casual derision, dismissing Mr. Romney on Twitter as “one of the dumbest and worst candidates in the history of Republican politics.”
Mr. Romney is expected to withhold his support before the voting this week on the so-called Super Tuesday, but some of his allies have urged him to endorse Mr. Rubio before Michigan and Idaho vote March 8. Mr. Romney grew up in Michigan, and many Idahoans are fellow Mormons.
But already, a handful of senior party leaders have struck a conciliatory tone toward Mr. Trump. Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the House majority leader, said on television that he believed he could work with him as president. Many in the party acknowledged a growing mood of resignation.
Fred Malek, the finance chairman of the Republican Governors Association, said the party’s mainstream had simply run up against the limits of its influence.
“There’s no single leader and no single institution that can bring a diverse group called the Republican Party together, behind a single candidate,” Mr. Malek said. “It just doesn’t exist.”
On Friday, a few hours after Mr. Christie endorsed him, Mr. Trump collected support from a second governor, who in a radio interview said Mr. Trump could be “one of the greatest presidents.”
Sources: Bloomberg News, Fox News, Meet The Press, NBC, Raw Story, YouTube
It appears the GOP presidential nominee race has finally come down to Trump and Rubio.
Trump represents the Anti-Establishment, Military Vets, Evangelical voters, Disgruntled BLACK voters, and Business Leaders.
Rubio represents Establishment leaders Young Anti-Establishment voters, Evangelical voters, Conservative BLACK voters and Latinos.
Although Ted Cruz is still currently hanging on by a thread, several Political Strategists have predicted that if Cruz loses Texas to Rubio, he's finished.
Once Cruz drops out its a dead heat race to the Nomination for Trump & Rubio.
I'm praying Trump and Rubio will join forces to become the 2016 GOP Ticket Dream Team.
Trump & Rubio coming together before the November election will dispel divisive rumors of a GOP "civil war" and RNC Brokered Convention Plots. I'm just saying.
DONALD TRUMP'S CHARISMA ATTRACTS MINORITY VOTERS TO GOP.
GOP'S 2016 GROUND GAME FOR NON-WHITE VOTERS IS EXPANSIVE.
~ Republican Party Chairman Says Donald Trump Is Among ‘Varsity’ Candidates
Reince Priebus also promises to be an honest broker at convention
Donald Trump may be giving some in the Republican establishment heartburn, but Republican National Committee chairman Reince Priebus claims he sees no reason for concern in the bombastic GOP front runner’s candidacy.
“Look at our debates. We’re blowing the doors off these debates,” Priebus told TIME of the Republican nomination race this cycle.
“They’re becoming like World Series–type events that we could never have predicted.
And that will be a good thing for our party, we have to break into the culture of America and we’re doing it.”
Calling Trump a “varsity” candidate, Priebus predicted in advance of this week’s meeting of the 168 members of the RNC that Trump would acquit himself well in a general-election matchup, maintaining that Trump has been a positive force within the GOP primary. “I think that we’ve got sort of the varsity team of candidates out there,
” Priebus said of the 12-person field, adding that the entertainment value has increased the party’s visibility. “I think any one of our candidates can plug into what we’re building and win a cultural vote in this country.”
Priebus’ support comes even as Trump has torn up the 2013 Growth and Opportunity Project report Priebus commission to lead the party back from defeat in 2012.
The document called for more aggressive outreach into minority communities, particularly to Hispanic voters, and explicitly called for comprehensive immigration reform — a position at odds with Trump’s hard-line stances.
In response to the report, the RNC has invested tens of millions of dollars in a permanent field and data operation, which Priebus confidently argued is larger than Hillary Clinton’s vaunted operation. “I think we’re bigger,” he said. “We’ve got more.”
Priebus also maintained he’s unconcerned that the rancorous primary will affect the ultimate nominee, saying it will be “ancient history” in just a few months. “We don’t event remember what happened in August [2015],” he said.
“In a vacuum everything gets over-analyzed, but in the long run I think once you get to a nominee we’re going to have an eternity to bring everything together and get everybody on the same page.”
TIME: Do you have the sense that this primary process is affecting the party’s chances in the general?
Reince Priebus: We’re charged with putting the ground game and the data operating and the turnout operation together whether voters are excited about the election in 2016 or they’re not excited about 2016.
So, by staying out of the primary, we’ve sort of reaped the benefits from the overall excitement of the base.
Now whether that’s for one candidate or the other is a different story. Those disagreements probably deserve a different analysis.
But as far as recruiting volunteers to get the work done that we need to do, our interest and the interests of our volunteers is off the charts.
And in terms of the rhetoric, you seem unconcerned.
Yeah, I’m confident pulling the party together on message and in elbow grease when this is all over.
Because you know the truth is, when you get to June, July, August, September, October, a month is like a year and a week is like a month. And it’s like an eternity.
And so while we bite our nails and wonder about whether a tough primary is bad for our general-election prospects, or some people think it’s good.
The truth is, I don’t think it matters because there’s so much time involved once you get to a nominee that it’s all sort of ancient history.
Even as I sit here today, July and August is like ancient history.
We don’t event remember what happened in August.
So my point is, in a vacuum everything gets over-analyzed, but in the long run I think once you get to a nominee we’re going to have an eternity to bring everything together and get everybody on the same page.
Does the Clinton operation keep you up at night?
No, because I think we’re bigger. We’ve got more.
And it doesn’t keep me up at night because I know that even if we were able to get to parity with Obama, Mitt Romney would have won.
Even if Romney was able to get to 60%, he would have won.
The problem we’ve got is that if you don’t have a data operation that’s worth a dime, and you’re not in Hispanic, black and Asian communities on a year-round basis, and you’re not targeting your base voters and faith voters and veterans on a year-round basis, you can’t win.
Certainly you can’t win if it’s within a field goal.
You have to get the race within a field goal, and then a sophisticated infrastructure can take you over the top.
So that’s what we’re trying to make sure, that we never embarrass people again with an operation that isn’t up to par with our opponents and that’s what we’ve done.
And we’ve done a good job of it, and no RNC has done better — ever — not even in a presidential year have they done what we’re doing, even by a long shot.
So you need the right candidate to get you in field-goal range. Are you worried that any candidates now can’t get there?
No, I think it’s the opposite. I think that we’ve got sort of the varsity team of candidates out there.
I think any one of our candidates can plug into what we’re building and win a cultural vote in this country.
And that’s our job.
Our job is to make sure whoever that they’ve got something that’s far better than what we had four, eight years ago, and we do.
You’ve said that a lot of the turmoil in this cycle is due to the number of candidates. Is that still the case?
Yeah, certainly, when you have 12 varsity candidates left it makes everything a little bit more complicated, there’s no doubt and I can’t deny that that’s not true — it is true.
But it doesn’t mean that, by the end of March or mid-April, the end of April, that it isn’t going to be very clear.
There’s only so much money to go around, there’s only so long everyone can keep fighting, and at some point I think there’s going to be real clarity, and I think the timing is going to be similar to the timeframe that it’s been in the past.
I know the rules pretty well, I’m pretty confident in how delegates are allocated, I helped write a lot of the rules and I believe that clarity will come very soon.
But you’re planning for a multi-balloted convention.
You obviously prepare for any scenario.
Any serious organization would do something like that, and we’re confident in the process that is in place and also the rules governing the convention and the allocation of delegates.
But, the other thing is we’ve written the rules, we’ve argued over the rules for years, so we understand them.
It’s not like we’re sitting here in a vacuum in a world outside of our own universe.
In other words, we live this world every day.
We have a legal department, I was the former general counsel, I’ve been chairman for six years.
There aren’t too many people who know more about how the rules work than I do or my legal staff, so it’s not like I need some sort of expert help to understand our own governing rules or how our convention might run.
Some supporters of Donald Trump and others have suggested that the RNC could rig the convention.
Either way you’re putting a lot of faith in the convention committees.
Any candidate can come and get a lesson on what the rules are — the RNC and the convention.
The rules are the rules, they’re written, they’re clear, and they’re going to be followed.
There really isn’t — if someone has a majority of delegates in order to win the nomination, they’re going to be the nominee.
The only question is if that isn’t the case, then you’re taking floor votes. And I think that’s highly unlikely, but that’s what would happen if it did.
What of those concerns about fixing the system?
Ultimately if you’ve got the votes on the floor, you’re going to be the nominee. And I think people who’ve known me as chairman — now in my sixth year — I’m about as straight up as anyone that’s anyone that’s ever sat in this office.
I don’t think too many people look at me as a game player, and I’m certainly not hanging out on K-street at cocktail receptions.
A topic in the news today: Ted Cruz was born in Canada. Is he constitutionally eligible to be President?
Listen, I don’t get involved. I’m not going to get in the middle of all these candidate issues. It’s a bad place for me to be. I’ll let all these folks argue about this stuff, and I’m going to stay out of it.
Is there a lesson that the entire GOP can learn from the Trump phenomenon even if he’s not the nominee?
I certainly think that broad truths are something that people are starving for in the country, and I think people are looking for genuine and authentic people, and it’s really important to always be authentic and genuine.
But I also think there are some unique qualities that he has in that he can get earned media in ways that a lot of people aren’t able to do, and that may be unique to him too, so it’s not necessarily something that other people can simply copy.
I think the key is, we’ve got so many good candidates out there that as long as we get to a nominee and we bring the party together, which I’m confident we can do, having all of these unique voices all on the same page, I think that will be very valuable when you consider the fact that Hillary Clinton, her numbers are in the ditch.
From all the analysis and all the talking that’s going on in the Republican primary, the fact is, Hillary Clinton’s numbers are atrocious.
When you’ve got people who don’t trust you, who think you’re a liar, and now we’re getting more emails dumped from the State Department, she’s got big problems.
We’re in great shape to win and I think that one lesson that’s going to come from this primary is that drama and intrigue are a good thing in America today.
Boring and old news is a bad thing.
And so I think that’s the lesson that people are going to take from 2016.
DO ESTABLISHMENT LEADERS CARE ABOUT WHAT VOTERS WANT??
~ Commentary and Article below by The Young Turks & TIME Magazine
GOP leaders met this week to discuss what to do if they end up next year with a contested convention... if they have to use political tricks to block Donald Trump.
The GOP apparently doesn’t mind ignoring the will of their voters. Cenk Uygur, John Iadarola (Think Tank), Jimmy Dore (The Jimmy Dore Show Podcast), and Mark Thompson, hosts of the The Young Turks, break it down.
"More than 20 top GOP officials discussed at a dinner on Monday the party’s strategy in the event of a brokered convention amid Donald Trump’s consistent lead in the polls.
Republican National Committee (RNC) Chairman Reince Priebus and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) listened as several longtime party members argued the establishment must lay the groundwork for a floor fight if Trump storms through the presidential primaries, five sources familiar with the meeting told The Washington Post.
The sources said Priebus and McConnell were mostly silent during the deliberation and did not signal support for an explicit anti-Trump effort.
But both men did acknowledge that a stalemated convention is something the party should be ready for.”*
Sources: Fox News, The Hill, TIME, TODAY, The Young Turks, Youtube
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