Harold Ford Says Democrats Are Scared, He's Right

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Harold Ford: Democrats Are Scared


Former Rep. Harold Ford Jr. said Tuesday that Democrats are “scared” heading into this fall’s election and that he decided not to run for the Senate from New York because he feared his party would lose the seat after a tough primary.

“The fall is going to be a tough, tough fall for whatever Democrat emerges,” Ford said during an appearance on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” his first since announcing Monday night that he is not running. “It would have been a tough brutal fight.”

Ford, who ran unsuccessfully for the Senate from Tennessee in 2006, denied reports that he was scared off by the potential candidacy of Mort Zuckerman — who is believed to have courted many of Ford’s potential fundraisers and supporters — insisting that he would have been able to raise plenty of money regardless of who else entered the race.

“Mort will spend his own money. Mort’s a billionaire,” Ford said. “I wish we could all be billionaires.”

Rather, Ford stuck to the explanation he gave The New York Times on Monday night. “I’m a Democrat, I’m an Independent Democrat, and I didn’t want a Republican to win,” he said.

But Ford offered little support to the candidate he would have challenged, New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, or to the Democratic Party he says he’s looking out for.

“Voters don’t know the junior senator,” he said, referring to Gillibrand. “They can’t name one positive outcome from her.”

Ford also indicated that Republican Sen. Scott Brown’s win in Massachusetts made a Republican win in New York possible.

“They’re scared,” he said of the state’s Democratic establishment. “For anyone to believe our normal messaging will win this election … they are kidding themselves.”




Harold Ford, Jr. Goes On Morning Joe And Finally Sounds Like A Senator


Harold Ford, Jr., the former Tennessee Democratic Congressman whose non-run for US Senate in New York ushered in the definitive return of the word “carpetbagger” to American political vernacular, appeared on Morning Joe today to reiterate his reasons for not running and expand upon the comments he made in the New York Times op-ed published yesterday announcing his decision not to run.

The short version is that he is such a party loyalist that he wants nothing less than a Democratic victory in New York, and while he believes he could have won the primary, it would have been such a tough race that the Republican candidate would have cruised to victory in November. He was surprisingly laid back, believable, and, with a supportive Joe Scarborough on his side, confident. Which begs the question: where was this Harold Ford for the past three months?

For the past two months or so, all the mainstream media was able to get out of Ford were severely economically detached quotes like “I landed there in a helicopter once” in response to being asked whether he had ever visited Staten Island and a messy collection of stories about whether or not he has ever paid property taxes in New York. Today, with the pressure off, Ford finally sounded for the first time like a legitimate candidate, a day after stating more believably than ever that he “refuse[s] to do anything that would help Republicans win a Senate seat in New York, and give the Senate majority to the Republicans.”

Sure, he couldn’t go an entire interview without saying something mildly out-of-touch (“I wish we could all be millionaires… that would’ve been part of my platform”), but, on the whole, this did not look like a man whose political career was just destroyed by a Gawker blogger. “We have not only a leadership void in Washington and Albany, but I think across all political circles,” he said, and finally defended his changes in views in a concrete way – by pointing out that all politicians flip-flop, all the time. “It’s just like there are Senators who are evolving on health care and evolving on the jobs bill,” he argued. “Do we say ‘no, we don’t want you because last week you weren’t in support of it?’ Of course not! We embrace them.”

Joe Scarborough, who has been similarly attacked by his own side of the political aisle for being too moderate, backed him up: “You have been branded as some right-wing nut by the Democratic establishment. Maybe that explains why they’re doing so poorly now across America."


Sources: Politico, MSNBC

Harold Ford vs MSNBC, Gilibrand & Schumer? Democrats' Dirty Work

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Harold Ford's NBC Contract Suspended


When Harold Ford Jr. appears on NBC's "Meet the Press" this Sunday, it'll be as chairman of the Democratic Leadership Council, according to a network release. On the show's website, he's listed as a "political insider."

But when he's more recently appeared on NBC and MSNBC programs — such as "Today," "Hardball" and "Morning Joe" — it was as an "NBC political analyst."

An MSNBC spokesperson tells POLITICO that Ford's deal "was put on hold" a few weeks ago, meaning that the network is not currently paying him. "We've still booked him in his capacity as a potential Senate candidate, and he's questioned as such," said the spokesperson.

With Ford no longer getting an NBC paycheck, the network avoids a glaring conflict of interest as he mulls a Senate race in New York. For instance, while on the "Today" show as an NBC analyst Jan. 11, the discussion of Sen. Harry Reid's controversial remarks later turned to Ford's own political positions as a Senate contender. So he's giving analysis of politics while potentially a participant.

Although Ford isn't getting paid right now, there may still be questions about his relationship with the network if he's regularly booked on its broadcast and cable shows, or if it appears he's getting preferential treatment in relationship to Sen. (and possible primary opponent) Kirsten Gillibrand.

MSNBC dealt with similar issues when Chris Matthews flirted with a Senate run while still on the air, as well as Ed Schultz being pitched as a potential Senate candidate.

Ford has also taken leave from his executive job at Merrill Lynch while weighing the decision.

UPDATE: A Ford spokesperson tells POLITICO: "Harold Ford asked for the leave of absence from NBC as a paid analyst while he weighs a run for the U.S Senate. Consistent with that, he also asked for an unpaid leave of absence from Bank of America/Merrill Lynch while he travels the state, listens to voters and weighs an opportunity to serve them in the Senate."



















Vito Lopez Likes Harold Ford's Smooth Style



After lunching with Harold Ford Jr. today, an "impressed" Brooklyn Democratic Chairman Vito Lopez seemed to leave the door open to the possibility of an endorsement down the road - assuming the ex-congressman decides to formally challenge Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand.

Asked about the "carpetbagger" factor and whether it would stand in the way of his support for the Tennessee transplant, Lopez replied:

"I supported Hillary Clinton. I've done that before. It's not that much of an issue."

Reporters, including the DN's David Saltonstall, were not allowed to actually watch the two Democrats break bread at Cono's in Williamsburg (a Lopez favorite; he has met there in the past with other senator hopefuls, including Clinton and Caroline Kennedy).

But they were treated to an impromptu press conference outside the restaurant after the meal, which took place in a private room, was over.

"There’s a little of celebrity that he has - certain people have it," Lopez said of Ford. "I was impressed about his style, and he has a certain degree of charisma. I think he would do a very good job of connecting with people. He’s got a very smooth personality."

That "connecting with people" line is a subtle dig at Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, of whom Lopez is not a big fan. The assemblyman/chairman has employed that criticism on the appointed junior senator on several occasions now.

Asked if he had given Gillibrand the "Cono's treatment," Lopez replied: "No, she's never asked to have that." He also said he had invited her to dine with him there over Christmas, but she was in London on vacation and couldn't make it.

Lopez said it's too early to talk in a serious way about endorsements, but added he would likely get there sometime in April.



















Harold Ford, Kirsten Gillibrand Go At It Again: Trial Move First


Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand and potential Democratic primary foe Harold Ford both support moving the 9/11 terror trial out of town - but their camps Saturday still managed a scuffle over how they came to agree.

Team Ford questioned why Gillibrand consulted California Sen. Dianne Feinstein, while Team Gillibrand said speaking to Feinstein, chairwoman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, made perfect sense.

Gillibrand said Feinstein told her the trial could mean increased danger to the city, and "based on that advice, I really believe that the trial should be moved."

A spokesman for Ford, who told reporters early last week that he felt the trial should be moved, said, "Harold has been saying that the trial should not be held in lower Manhattan and the money can be put to better use. Now, apparently, Sen. Gillibrand agrees."

A Gillibrand aide, Glen Caplin, retorted that the senator was "among the first public officials to consider other locations."

He said it seemed Ford "strangely" believes Gillibrand shouldn't have consulted Feinstein on a national security matter.

Actually, neither Gillibrand nor Ford were first out of the gate in calling for the trial to be moved: Community Board 1, for example, was very vocal in asking that the trial be moved out of lower Manhattan.

Saturday, after Gillibrand met voters at Fairway market, City Councilwoman Gale Brewer (D-Manhattan) - who accompanied her - lit into Ford, accusing him of "pandering" as he mulls a Senate bid.

"To me, it's not just that he's from another state [and] that he changes his position all the time, but he's one of these guys that as a woman, I wouldn't vote for if my life depended on it," Brewer said. "He's so full of himself."

Ford spokesman Davidson Goldin said Ford is hearing "a very different message from voters across the state who routinely encourage him to run - and they're the 'strategists' he values most."





Gloves Off Gillibrand


It’s getting personal.

One day after Harold Ford Jr. slammed New York’s senators as “parakeets” for always parroting the Democratic Party line, Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand accused the ex-Tennessee congressman of running an “in-the-gutter” campaign, the DN's Dave Saltonstall reports.

“I think it is an insult to New York that he comes and just starts calling names for everyone he feels like attacking,” Gillibrand said.

“It’s unprofessional. And for a man who aspires to be in the US Senate, I think it is unacceptable.”

While Gillibrand and her aides and allies have previously gone after Ford over his voting record in Congress and his out-of-state roots, this is the first time the junior senator has personally shifted into all-out attack mode with lengthy - and personal - jabs at the ex-congressman.

Gillibrand also mocked as “fraudulent” Ford’s attempt to cast himself as an outsider in the race who will bring a more “indepednent” voice to the Senate.

“This guy grew up in Washington D.C. while his father was a congressman,” Gillibrand told the DN.

“He waltzed into his father’s congressional seat after failing the bar. And then he comes to New York City and joins a big bank, and is now running with a few banker buddies and thinks he should be in the US Senate.”

“I mean... he is the farthest thing from an outsider that you could even imagine,” she said. “It's laughable. It is a joke!”

Aides to Ford did not immediately respond to messages seeking comment.

UPDATE: Here's the response from Ford spokesman David Goldin:

"Of course the unelected senator is on the attack: Her approval numbers are rock bottom, unemployment is rising and the economy around the state isn't improving on her watch."

"Voters across this state know Senator Gillibrand's positions are hurting New York - from raising taxes to killing jobs. Her dismal approval ratings say it all. She spent her time as a lawyer covering up for the tobacco industry, and as an appointed senator she caters to Washington insiders instead of putting us in New York first."













Gillibrand Gears Up for Ford Fight


Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) is finally heeding New York Democrats’ advice that she get tough with Harold Ford Jr. — slamming the former Memphis congressman as an anti-gay-rights, anti-abortion, anti-immigrant tool of Wall Street money lords.

The problem for Gillibrand: Ford is embracing New York’s slappy-face politics faster than she can generate the comebacks.

On Monday, Ford dismissed Gillibrand as a party-controlled “parakeet.”

For good measure, his spokesman told POLITICO that Gillibrand is a “desperate liar.”

Gillibrand, Gov. David Paterson’s appointment to fill Hillary Clinton’s vacant Senate seat, has been thrown on the defensive by an aggressive challenger who has embraced New York’s brawling Democratic culture, if not its liberal politics.

The onetime Albany-area congresswoman has begun to mix it up in recent days, but her penchant for measured responses and attacking Ford through proxies hasn’t impressed many in a tabloid media market that rewards the brash and punishes the bashful.

Several Democratic sources told POLITICO that Gillibrand and her team get it — and are now seeking to augment her communications team with a consultant who will more aggressively target Ford, who spent Monday blasting away at the senator and her patron Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) on New York Post columnist Fred Dicker’s radio show.

“One could argue that, to date, she had not been sufficiently aggressive in the New York media market, and that has backfired,” said Hank Scheinkopf, a veteran Democratic operative who has worked for many of the state’s elected officials.

“She cannot hide behind cutout characters. ... She’s going to have to get past him by getting past him,” he said.

“I’ve noticed a change in tenor,” said Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-N.Y.), adding, “I think she should be tougher with him, and I think that she has been.”

“She needs more leg breakers,” said another longtime operative.

Gillibrand’s allies in New York and Washington said it’s now time for her to show her political independence from Schumer and President Barack Obama — who have tried to clear the field for her.

The 39-year-old Ford, who relocated to New York after losing a 2006 Senate race in Tennessee, has repeatedly lampooned Gillibrand as being protected by her “party bosses,” an argument that Ford advisers believe resonates with nationwide anti-Washington sentiment.

Democrats said the effort to brand Ford as out of step with New York’s more liberal primary voters has taken on fresh urgency after they witnessed Republican Scott Brown’s monumental Massachusetts Senate win, in which his Democratic opponent, Martha Coakley, failed to respond quickly to his insurgent campaign.

In a statement, Gillibrand took aim at the Wall Street-friendly Democrats who have pledged to back Ford’s candidacy, including the billionaire husband-and-wife team of Steve Rattner and Maureen White.

Anyone is “more than welcome” to run against her this year, she said, adding:

“That includes a former Tennessee congressman ... and Merrill executive who has an anti-choice and anti-LGBT [lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender] record and whose candidacy is being floated by a few Wall Street insiders.”

As if to demonstrate their differing styles, the Ford campaign responded to that tough statement with the rhetorical equivalent of a two-by-four.

“If the unelected senator and tobacco industry apologist has a new strategy based on distorting Harold’s support for abortion rights and gay rights, then she’s not only a puppet of the party bosses, she’s a desperate liar,” Ford spokesman Davidson Goldin said.

As she’s veered left over the past year to capture downstate support, Gillibrand has won over a number of liberal Democrats, along with members of the House delegation who were initially skeptical.

Still, several top New York Democrats — all supporting Gillibrand — told POLITICO that they have been unimpressed by her first year in office and discouraged by what many see as her excessively deferential style in private meetings with local power players.

That dissatisfaction has only grown in recent weeks, with many wondering why Gillibrand’s team didn’t move quickly to attack Ford in November, when POLITICO first reported that he was polling a possible race against her.

“Too little, too late,” said one Democrat who supports Gillibrand. “She needed to hit him hard and fast.”

Gillibrand’s persistent vulnerability is causing others to reconsider their earlier decisions to clear the field at the behest of Schumer and the White House. And it’s not clear whether Gillibrand’s most powerful patrons, Schumer and Obama, so rattled by the Massachusetts race, have much stomach to stop them.

Steve Israel, the congressman from Long Island and a Rahm Emanuel ally who is considered a leading candidate to replace Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-N.Y.) as chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, is being pressed to enter the race, according to several Democrats with knowledge of the situation.

But Israel, a moderate liberal with $1.8 million in cash on hand for his reelection campaign, told Newsday on Monday that such a run is extremely unlikely.

Gillibrand, 43, who represented a conservative-leaning upstate district for two years before her Senate appointment, so far has been successful at expanding her base. She is the darling of two of New York City’s most powerful special-interest groups — gays and abortion rights groups — who have been vocal and caustic critics of Ford’s record on gay marriage and choice.

If she faces Ford — in a race polls suggest she’d win easily — Gillibrand could neutralize charges that she’s a flip-flopper, since Ford, too, is beginning to reverse his positions on some key social issues.

Some observers said that it makes more sense for some of these new Gillibrand allies to be the ones engaging in the sharply negative campaign against Ford.

Rep. Eliot Engel (D-N.Y.), who has endorsed Gillibrand, said the “surest way to turn people against you is try to negatively define your opponent when you haven’t positively defined yourself,” adding that the senator instead needs to sell herself as a “very capable and effective legislator.”

“I think there is some resonating of outside interference and getting people out of primaries, and I think people don’t like that,” Engel said. “I think that’s one of the reasons why she’s having some difficulty in projecting herself.”

And Ford’s team clearly senses that. Soon after the initial reports of Ford’s potential candidacy, Schumer and Ford met at Schumer’s Manhattan office, where he advised Ford not to consider a race. News immediately leaked out after the two met, and Ford’s spokesman vowed that his boss would not be “bullied or intimidated.”

But Ford has stumbled in some of his early statements to the press, including a widely panned interview with The New York Times, in which he alluded to his ritzy lifestyle, mentioning that his lone stop in Staten Island had been in a helicopter, and indicated he would be an “independent” senator, something that may not play well with Democratic primary voters.

“We are gearing up to explain every bit of his voting record,” a source close to Gillibrand said. “He previewed his opposition research in his brilliant interview with The New York Times.”
















Ford Targets Gillibrand, But Takes On Schumer


Harold Ford Jr. today took the fight to Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand - and her political mentor, Sen. Chuck Schumer - in the junior senator's own backyard, slamming his two fellow Democrats for failing to be sufficiently independent and put New Yorkers' needs first.

"I believe both senators should do a better job of putting New York State and New York City first," the former Tennessee congressman said during an interview at the Capitol on Talk 1300 WGDJ-AM.

"I believe that both senators, including Sen. Gillibrand, ought to be more independent, ought to stand up, not only for interests representing...that will put our interests and people in the state first, but understand that you’re not elected to the United States Senate to be a parakeet or to take instructions from the Democratic leadership."

"I’m taking a hard look at this race because I think I could be a stronger, more independent and steadier voice in the Senate - a steadier vote and stronger more independent vote on behalf of New Yorkers."

Asked later by reporters why he isn't challenging Schumer, who is up for re-election this year, too, Ford replied:

"Sen. Schumer is one of the most powerful members of the United States Senate, has represented New York not only in the Congress, but now the Senate, is in a strong leaderhsip position, and has been elected several times."

"Understand, this race is different. Sen. Gillibrand, who is a friend who I hold no ill will towards, was appointed to the seat, has been in the seat now for a year and was appointed by someone who was not elected."

"So when we talk about incumbency, we have to realize if I do decide to run...that Sen. Gillibrand and I would have the unique distinction of being on the ballot for the very first time in an overhwleming majority of the state, if not more than 90% of the state."

Ford vowed that if he's elected, he won't be an automatic "yes" vote for Schumer.

"It was widely known when Sen. Clinton was senator from this great state, that she and Sen. Schumer didn’t always see eye to eye and he didn't always have a rosy relationship with her," Ford said.

"And I imagine if I’m to run and I’m blessed to win that he and I would have the same kind of relationship.”

Ford turned the flip-flop accusation that has been leveled at him on gay marriage and abortion rights back on Gillibrand and Schumer, noting both pols have also changed their minds on the topic of same-sex marriage - in Gilliband's case, he said, "probably more aggressively and more fundamentally than I did.; I've always been for civil unions."

During the roughly half-hour interview, Ford turned on the full Southern charm, repeatedly referring to the Post's Fred Dicker as "Mr. Dicker" despite repeated requests that he drop the formality.

The two bantered about the difference between New York and Tennessee, with Dicker poking fun at Ford for pronouncing "smear" (as in: "I've been the victim of a smear campaign on my position on choice") as "schmear", prompting this exchange:

Dicker: "I think schmear is something you put on a bagel."

Ford: "I'm a little country. I apologize...It's "smear", s-m-e-a-r. Y'all talk funny."

When Dicker pressed Ford on whether he is indeed "80 percent" likely to run, as a source purporting to be close to Ford told the Times, the ex-congressman replied:

"I wouldn’t be sitting here surrounded by all these cameras and getting knocked off radio if I weren’t leaning some way. (Dicker: So, you are leaning?). "I’m standing straight up but I’m thinking seriously about it."

Dicker: "Is that a tap dance? What do they call that down in Tennessee?"

Ford: "They call it thinking seriously about it. I live in New York now."

Leaning or no, Ford said he is "likely" to create an exploratory committee for a potential US Senate run soon, noting his upstate jaunt this weekend has brought him close to the $5,000 trigger point that requires such a move.

"I’d rather be inconvenienced than indicted," Ford joked, adding that he might extend his 30-day leave from Merrill Lynch to continue his pre-decision learning tour of New York.

As to whether he would be able to hit the 25 percent mark of the weighted party vote required to get on the ballot at the state Democratic Convention, Ford said he's "very comfortable" with the petition route, noting that's the only way to run in Tennessee.

Even though he has been slamming party bosses who have tried to prevent Gillibrand from getting a primary challenge, Ford went out of his way to praise Brooklyn Democratic Chairman Vito Lopez, with whom he met last Friday, calling the assemblyman "my new friend."

Ford declined to take sides in the governor's race, but did say he feels Gov. David Paterson has been "dealt a terrible hand." He also refused to be drawn into a conversation about the dysfunction in Albany, saying:

"This is my first visit to Albany, please don’t try to get me in trouble on my very first day here in Albany. I’m looking at a US Senate race...I look forward to going by to see everybody today. I’m a New Yorker. I pay taxes. I’m as concerned about my state government as anyone else."

Ford is scheduled to meet with Senate Democratic Leader John Sampson on Wednesday in Brooklyn. Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver is attending funeral services for Assemblywoman RoAnn Destito's husband, and this isn't available to see Ford during his quickie trip to Albany.

UPDATE: Ford has left the Capitol. The only person with a title he met with was Senate President Malcolm Smith. And Gillibrand spokesman Glen Caplin sent over this response:

"New Yorkers are rightly concerned by a former Tennessee politician and current Wall Street insider whose extreme record in Congress is out of step with New York values."

"Harold Ford Jr. voted twice to enshrine discrimination in the U.S. Constitution by banning gay marriage, and he proudly said he's never been pro-choice. That’s not a smear, it’s his record. Kirsten Gillibrand has aggressively fought to protect a woman's right to choose and establish equal benefits for same-sex couples."



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Sources: MSNBC, NY Daily News, NY Post, NBC New York, Politico, Wonkette, TPM, Twitter, Youtube

Nervous Dems Seek GOP's Help With Jobs Bill...Decision 2010

Democrats Race To Meet Jobs Bill Deadline


Democrats are racing to hash out the details of a jobs bill by a self-imposed Monday deadline — and working overtime to gain the Republican votes they’ll need to pass it.

Democratic Sens. Chuck Schumer and Max Baucus spent Thursday in a flurry of delicate negotiations with Republican Sens. Chuck Grassley and Orrin Hatch , with aides going back and forth on the details of a tax-focused jobs bill.

The bill has shifted from a sweeping piece of legislation to a smaller, bipartisan bill — loaded up with tax cuts to gain Republican support. With Massachusetts Republican Sen. Scott Brown’s swearing-in Thursday evening, the Democrats no longer have the 60 votes they need to overcome a GOP filibuster by themselves.

“We are completely changing the strategy to go for a bill that can get Republican buy-in and pass,” said a Democratic aide.

But Hatch says there are still major difference to work out — including disputes over how to pay for the job help in the bill.

“It always comes down to the payfors,” he said. “Nobody likes the pay-for side of it.”

Baucus, the chairman of the Finance Committee, and Grassley, the ranking Republican on it, are taking the lead in negotiations — even as some Democrats doubt their ability to cut a deal after failing to produce a bipartisan health care bill last year.

Moderate Democrats — spooked by the loss in Massachusetts last month — are putting intense pressure on leadership to move a jobs-focus bill before the Senate leaves for February recess. They demanded that Baucus forgo marking up the legislation in his committee, fearing that it would slow down movement of the bill.

“We need to act quickly,” said Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.). “We can’t take too long — we’ve got to move.”

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid says Republicans will pay the price if they don’t back the bill.

"It'll be so glaringly apparent to the American people if we don't get a few Republican votes to support us that they are not interested in any success to the American if they are continually going to say no,” he said.

But Republicans expect to extract a price for any support they offer.

Grassley is demanding that any bill he negotiates be kept out of what one of his aides called a “Dems-only spending fest.” He also wants a commitment that Democrats will take up the estate tax in a “timely manner” — as well as an extension of a series of corporate tax breaks like the research and development credit.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) told POLITICO on Wednesday that “there’s a lot of work going on to try to figure out what ought to be in, what ought not to be in, how much is going to be paid for, how much isn’t.”

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Baucus and Schumer wrested the lead on the package from Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Democratic Policy Committee Chairman Byron Dorgan of North Dakota, who were originally tasked by Reid late last summer to craft a jobs bill. Dorgan and Durbin spent months gathering 121 policy proposals grouped in broad categories like small-business job creation, green technology, infrastructure development and the protection of public sector jobs.

A draft circulated last week put a price tag at roughly $80 billion.

But after the Republicans won the late Sen. Ted Kennedy’s seat — and lost their 60th vote — Democratic strategists urged leadership to avoid producing a bill that could be seen as heavy on spending.

“There was a second thought given to whether a package heavy in spending that could easily be branded as a second stimulus was the right thing to do,” said a Democratic aide.

Baucus and Schumer approached Reid with the idea of dropping the Durbin-Dorgan proposal in favor of running a tax-focused bill out of the Finance committee. Schumer already had agreement from Hatch on an unemployment tax credit — a proposal he first suggested to the Utah Republican before the holiday vacation.

Baucus said his plan wasn’t necessarily a better approach — just a more practical one.

“It’s just that I’d like to get something done, something passed,” he told POLITICO. “That means we have to talk to Republicans.”

Dorgan said he still plans to push for other pieces of his proposal.

“This jobs agenda is not going to end Monday,” said Dorgan.

Details of the negotiations have been slowly emerging. Republicans are pushing for the so-called “doc fix,” a one year suspension of cuts in Medicare payments to doctors. Democrats want to include a one-year reauthorization of the highway trust fund — estimated at nearly $20 billion. Democrats would also like to extend unemployment insurance payments and Cobra health benefits for unemployed workers.

The employment tax credit proposal authored by Schumer and Hatch is also expected to be included in the package. The proposal would allow any company hiring a new worker to forgo paying the employee’s Social Security tax in 2010.

The bill is also expected to include job creation tax credits, small-business aid, and other corporate tax breaks.

Finance Committee member Olympia Snowe (R-Maine) said she had yet to be consulted with on a member-to-member level by Democrats as late as Thursday midday.

“It’s pretty fast moving,” she said. “I hope that we have the ability to have input because it is important to get this right, to make sure it’s going to work.”

And still, Republicans remained skeptical that legislation could attract significant bipartisan support.

“All I can say is that if it's anything like what passed in the House at the end of last year, then I'm inalterably opposed,” said Arizona Sen. John McCain. “We want to work with the president and the Democrats. But that means sitting down at the table together — something we have not done yet.”


Sources: Politico, MSNBC

Schumer & Hatch Introduce Bi-Partisan Payroll Tax, Jobs Bill...No Cheaters

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A Payroll Tax Break for Jobs


With the national unemployment rate at 10 percent, and more than 15 million Americans looking for work, ideas to spur job creation are at the forefront of everyone’s minds. While we may represent different political philosophies, we recognize that high unemployment — particularly long-term unemployment — is not a liberal problem or a conservative problem; it’s a national problem that takes a huge toll on families.

The idea for some sort of jobs tax credit is percolating again, but the jobs credit that existed in the late 1970s was of limited success, and it was excruciatingly complicated. Recalling this experience, members of Congress from both parties have been lukewarm to such a credit, and the idea was dropped from the stimulus package last year.

We have an idea that is simple, straightforward and easy to explain and administer. In fact, it is so simple that the legislative text of the proposal is only a few pages long — a rarity when it comes to tax policy.

Here’s the idea: Starting immediately after enactment, any private-sector employer that hires a worker who had been unemployed for at least 60 days will not have to pay its 6.2 percent Social Security payroll tax on that employee for the duration of 2010. The Social Security trust fund will then be made whole with spending cuts elsewhere in the budget between now and 2015. That’s it. Simple to understand, and easy to explain.

The beauty of this proposal goes beyond its simplicity. Unlike a jobs tax credit of a specific dollar amount, this credit is “front-loaded” in that it provides an incentive for businesses to hire workers earlier in the year — because the tax benefit will be greater. A $60,000 worker hired on Feb. 1 will save a business about $3,400 in taxes, while that same worker hired on May 1 will save it about $2,500.

Unlike some versions of a payroll-tax holiday, which provide a much bigger benefit for higher-paid workers, this proposal is not biased toward either low-wage or high-wage workers. Yes, if you pay people more, you save more in taxes — but the savings as a percentage of pay remains constant. Under this plan, a business saves 6.2 percent on both a $40,000 worker and a $90,000 worker.

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In the current environment, no business wants to wait until 2011 to receive a tax credit for someone it hires today. Another obvious benefit of this proposal to forgive payroll taxes is that it keeps money in a business’s pockets, since the tax is simply not collected in the first place.

In addition, because the benefit starts on the date of hiring and does not have an arbitrary cap, more businesses will want to use it. And since it is an elimination of the employer’s share of the Social Security tax for these workers — rather than a fixed or capped dollar amount — the complexities of making the incentive work with a firm’s payroll software are greatly reduced because employers will know simply to zero out the tax for these workers.

To promote long-term employment as the recovery gains steam, we would also add the following bonus: For any eligible employee kept on payroll for a continuous 52 weeks, the employer would receive an additional $1,000 credit on its 2011 tax return. (This would apply to any worker hired in 2010.)

Our two-pronged approach would be a far more efficient use of taxpayer dollars than other proposals under discussion, all of which could cost many times more with very little guaranteed improvement in unemployment.

Imagine that three million unemployed workers were to be hired this year under our plan. If they all worked an average of six months in 2010 at a salary of $50,000, and every single one stayed on payroll for 52 consecutive weeks into 2011, the gross cost of the Social Security tax cut and the additional credit would be only $7.6 billion. And that’s before we consider the offsets from income and payroll taxes paid by these workers.

There are some additional rules that would have to be put in place. For example, eligible workers would have to be hired for a minimum of 30 hours per week, and workers who are family members of the employer would not be eligible. The payroll tax reduction would be for private-sector jobs only; new jobs that are created by tax dollars in the first place would not be eligible. And any employer with a lower total payroll in 2010 than it had in 2009 would have to forfeit the benefit — businesses shouldn’t be allowed to shed jobs and still receive a tax benefit.

We urge Congress and President Obama to consider this idea to help jumpstart hiring and turn our focus back on jobs.

Charles E. Schumer is a Democratic senator from New York. Orrin G. Hatch is a Republican senator from Utah.



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Sources: NY Times, MSNBC, Google Maps

GOP Destruction! Dems Plan To Split GOP & Tea Party

Democrats Plan: Split GOP, Tea Party



Democrats are looking for someone to blame for their electoral woes — and Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Chairman Robert Menendez is working hard to make sure it’s not him.

Showing that they’ve learned the lesson of Massachusetts, Menendez and his staff will distribute a memo Tuesday advising Democratic campaign managers to frame their opponents early — and to drive a wedge between moderate voters and tea-party-style conservatives.

“Given the pressure Republican candidates feel from the extreme right in their party, there is a critical — yet time-sensitive — opportunity for Democratic candidates,” the DSCC writes. “We have a finite window when Republicans candidates will feel susceptible to the extremists in their party. Given the urgent nature of this dynamic, we suggest an aggressive effort to get your opponents on the record.”

The memo urges Democratic candidates to force their opponents to answer a series of questions on health care, taxes and some of the favorite causes of the far right:

“Do you believe that Barack Obama is a U.S. citizen? Do you think the 10th Amendment bars Congress from issuing regulations like minimum health care coverage standards? Do you think programs like Social Security and Medicare represent socialism and should never have been created in the first place? Do you think President Obama is a socialist? Do you think America should return to a gold standard?”

If a Republican candidate says no to any of the questions, the memo says Democrats should “make their primary opponent or conservative activists know it. This will cause them to take heat from their primary opponents and could likely provoke a flip-flop, as it already has several times with Mark Kirk in Illinois.”

As chairman of the DSCC, Menendez has been rocked by a series of setbacks: the out-of-the-blue retirement announcement from Sen. Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.); Monday’s news that Delaware Attorney General Beau Biden won’t run for the seat previously held by his father, Vice President Joe Biden; and Republican Scott Brown’s stunning win last week in the race for the late Ted Kennedy’s former Senate seat.

Menendez has escaped much of the blame for the Massachusetts massacre, and he plainly hopes to keep it that way. In his memo, he suggests the way to avoid similar losses in the future is to do what Democratic candidate Martha Coakley didn’t: frame the Republican contender early and track any shifting positions by video or other means.

Unlike his predecessor, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), Menendez had maintained a fairly low profile running the DSCC. But that changed in the immediate aftermath of Massachusetts.

Menendez spoke last week at a private Democratic Caucus meeting, where he urged all his party’s candidates to “run scared.” In a series of interviews with reporters, the New Jersey Democrat said that he has ordered a top-down review of all candidates’ campaigns to ensure they are properly calibrated to the “volatile” electorate. And over the weekend, he appeared on two Sunday political talk shows to mount a vigorous defense of the Democratic stewardship of Washington — and a counterattack against the GOP.

The jury is still out on Menendez’s tenure, which will be measured by his committee’s fundraising prowess, where it devotes its resources and time, its ability to recruit top-tier candidates and, ultimately, its success at preventing an electoral bloodbath in November.

In an interview, Menendez said he knew this cycle would be “tough and challenging” and that maintaining 60 seats is a lot harder than getting them.

“It’s not buying the car that’s tough; it’s maintaining it,” Menendez said. “But maintaining is not as attractive as buying it.”

In a sense, Menendez has been a victim of bad timing. Schumer, who was chairman for two cycles, was able to tap into an energized Democratic base that was eager to rebuke George W. Bush; as a result, he helped turn a 10-seat deficit in 2005 into an 18-seat advantage after the 2008 elections.

And Schumer benefited from what Republicans acknowledge was weaker competition at the National Republican Senatorial Committee, which was run at the time by then-Sen. Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina, followed by Sen. John Ensign of Nevada. The new NRSC chairman, Texas Sen. John Cornyn, is seen as much more aggressive and as a better fundraiser than were his two predecessors.

Under Schumer, the DSCC trounced the NRSC in fundraising. But while the DSCC still maintains an advantage, the fundraising margin has tightened under Menendez as the DSCC competes for cash with a more aggressive Democratic National Committee and against an NRSC buoyed by an energized GOP base.

“We’re going to absolutely have the resources to engage an aggressive campaign wherever we decide to get engaged,” Menendez said. He also said that, in most of the Senate races, Democratic candidates are holding a cash advantage over GOP candidates.

While a veteran campaign strategist complained Monday that the DSCC has been “monumentally unimpressive” under Menendez, Schumer said in an interview that Senate Democrats believe Menendez has done an “outstanding job under very difficult circumstances.”

And other Democrats, too, are sympathetic.

“The White House can spin [the Massachusetts race] any way they want,” said one senior Democratic senator up for reelection, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “But this was about Obama and health care. This was not about Bob Menendez and the committee.”

Despite the Dorgan setback, DSCC officials say Menendez has had success in keeping most of his incumbents from retiring. And they point out that Menendez helped Connecticut Sen. Chris Dodd decide to drop out of an uphill bid for reelection this year — a decision that has given Democrats a better shot at keeping the seat in their column.

But there’s a long road ahead. In addition to the serious risk of losing the Delaware and North Dakota seats, Democrats face the possibility of losing Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s seat in Nevada and Sen. Blanche Lincoln’s seat in Arkansas. At the same time, Sens. Michael Bennet of Colorado and Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania appear highly vulnerable, and Obama’s former seat in Illinois looks ripe for a GOP takeover.

Democrats still have a shot at four seats opened up by GOP retirements: in Kentucky, Missouri, New Hampshire and Ohio. And they have an outside shot at knocking off Republican Sen. Richard Burr in North Carolina. But the DSCC suffered a setback last year when it couldn’t get a top-tier recruit to take on Burr in North Carolina. Party officials also were disappointed that the DSCC couldn’t attract Florida’s chief financial officer, Alex Sink, to run for the Senate in that state.

Menendez has had some recruiting successes, including Rep. Charlie Melancon, who gives the party a shot at taking out Republican Sen. David Vitter in Louisiana.

But if Democrats suffer a bloodbath and can’t pick up the open GOP seats, Menendez will almost certainly suffer the brunt of the blame.

“He’s got the worst hand to play of any DSCC chairman, ever,” said Democratic strategist Steve Murphy, who is advising several Democratic Senate candidates this cycle. “His job is to minimize losses in this economic environment. The notion that Democrats pick up seats or even hold what we have is not realistic.”



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Sources: Politico, Google Maps