Comcast Buys NBC: 5 Ways To Save The Network

Andrew Sorkin and the Morning Joe Show panel discuss Comcast's acquistion of NBC. I hope Comcast doesn't mess with Morning Joe show dynamics. I love that program.

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(From an alleged Comcast Customer)

A Comcast technician came to replace a faulty modem. After spending an hour on hold with Comcast's central office, he fell asleep on my couch. I've been in my apartment for three weeks and my internet connection is still non-functional. This is my tribute to Comcast, their low quality technology and their poor customer service.

UPDATE: My service has been restored. A Comcast team spent five hours to get everything up and running. Thanks for all your advice.







5 things Comcast must do to save NBC


Congratulations, Brian Roberts!

You've just bought a $30 billion media conglomerate that includes a legendary movie studio, a huge stake in the potentially revolutionary Hulu and one of the most successful collections of cable programming assets around.

(It's all about cable, Zucker says.)

Unfortunately, you also just inherited the NBC broadcast network.

The once-proud Peacock in recent years has become the poster child for people who believe the network TV business model is just a few heartbeats from extinction.Before today's announcement, more than a few pundits wondered aloud whether you might simply chuck NBC altogether.

But let's assume you're not ready to give up on the notion of broadcasting. Let's imagine you still think there's value in owning a brand with 70 years of history and entry into just about every home in America.

If that's the case, there's no reason NBC couldn't yet find salvation.

Here are five suggestions for how to bring the network back from the brink:



1.) Part ways with Jeff Zucker -- or at least ban him from any oversight of the network.


Business historians will ultimately decide if Zucker was a good steward of the overall conglomerate known as NBC Universal. This much is true: Take out the performance of the broadcast network, and Zucker's tenure at the Peacock has seen plenty of successes (and profits).

There's a reason he's risen so high in the GE culture:

Zucker knows how to make money. And while he didn't put Bonnie Hammer in charge of cable giants USA and Syfy, he wisely left her alone to expand her previous success (and tapped the awe-inspiring Lauren Zalaznick to transform Bravo into a powerhouse in its own right).

But this story is about what can be done to save the NBC television network. And quite simply, Zucker has done far more harm than good to that part of the business.

He needs to be taken out of the NBC Entertainment equation.

The problem began when then-NBC chief Bob Wright shipped Zucker from New York to Burbank and put him in charge of programming. It was a move not unlike Disney's decision two decades ago to install a young Bob Iger at ABC Entertainment: You want your future leaders to understand the ins and outs of your core business.

But Iger wisely relied on the talents of programming deputies Ted Harbert and Stu Bloomberg, empowering them to run the day-to-day of the network. Peter Rice, another CEO-in-training, appears to be on a similar track at Fox right now.

Not Zucker. He didn't get Hollywood, and Hollywood didn't like him.

Not trusting any of his subordinates, Zucker micromanaged and second-guessed at every turn early on during his tenure. He extended the Peacock's ratings supremacy in the short term-- keeping "Friends" on the air two more seasons was a huge deal-- but did nothing to build any new long-term franchises.

Things didn't get better when Zucker moved back to New York. He wisely hired the talented Kevin Reilly to run development, but never empowered him to completely run the network.

Zucker finally appeared ready to cut the apron strings when Ben Silverman arrived. Unfortunately, while Zucker thought he was hiring Silverman to develop hits, Silverman was never interested in being a mere D-boy. It was an epic miscommunication, one that extended NBC's losing streak another two years.

As many talents as Zucker possesses -- he's super-smart, forward-thinking, quirkily charismatic and unafraid to take risks at a time of monumental change in the entertainment business -- being responsible for the revival of a broadcast network just doesn't suit him.

It's hard to see how Zucker could stay on as CEO of the new company and yet somehow not have any say in the direction of NBC Entertainment. But if Comcast really thinks Zucker's skills elsewhere in the company are worth keeping him, it should find a way to let someone else (Jeff Gaspin?) oversee the network.


2.) Don't make any hard and fast rules.

The last decade at NBC has been marked by a series of epic pronouncements from on high about the future of television: Reality shows and newsmagazines must air at 8! Dramas at 10 don't work! Cable is the future! No more dark and depressing shows -- viewers only want "blue sky" programming!

The only thing these mandates have accomplished is to create artificial boxes for NBC's West Coast executives, who too often have found themselves developing in an effort to live up to some bogus corporate mandate.

NBC needs to stop trying to fashion itself as some radical reformer of the broadcasting business and should instead get back to its basic mission: entertaining viewers with the best possible programming.



3.) Become the HBO of broadcast TV.

Toward that end, NBC should -- without actually ever saying so -- do all it can to transform itself into a network of ambitious, extraordinary and critically worshipped programs.

You know, the sort of stuff HBO does every day.

Making a move toward super-quality would immediately reconnect NBC with its 1980s and '90s brand, when it was known mainly as the home of "Must-See TV" and the best shows on television. Even if ratings didn't immediately soar, NBC's sales teams could sell Madison Avenue on the upscale eyeballs first-rate programming tends to attract.

We're not suggesting you go all artsy-fartsy.

HBO (and, to a far lesser degree, Showtime) has proven that quality and populism can co-exist: Critics have raved about "True Blood" and "Dexter," even as both shows have inspired sizable (and passionate) fan bases.

And NBC's biggest success story in the past five years? Not "Heroes," which faded fast. Nope, it's "The Office" -- the little comedy that spent its first year struggling to find a pulse.

The strategy of Quality First might not have made sense a decade ago, when hit shows regularly drew more than 20 million or 25 million viewers. But in an era when a mid-3 rating in the key demographic is considered reason for celebration, NBC doesn't need to worry that it's passing up big numbers by defining its brand as first-class all the way.



4.) Move Jay Leno to 8 p.m. -- or move on.

Despite the fierce whining from writers and agents, the problem with NBC's grand Leno experiment wasn't the decision to eliminate five hours of scripted programming. No, that actually made sense -- especially for a network that has trouble slotting even a dozen worthwhile hours of TV each week.

And installing Conan O'Brien as successor to Leno on "Tonight"? Also smart: Dave and Jay won't be around forever, and when they're gone, NBC will have the biggest star in late night.

The problem with Leno is that he rejected NBC's initial idea, which was to have his primetime show kick off the night at 8 p.m.

It's still too soon to make a definitive statement about Leno's primetime performance. But The Chin's weak ratings are clearly hurting local newscasts and, worse, deny O'Brien any chance at success (CBS' 10 p.m. shows give David Letterman three times as many viewers as a lead-in and promotional base).

In addition, the lack of a 10 p.m. timeslot means NBC has just five hours per week to do serious, groundbreaking drama. Right now, that's not really a problem, but if the network starts a creative rebound, it soon would be.

So why not move Jay to 8 and make him the ringmaster of a big, funny variety show -- an Ed Sullivan for our times?

Why not introduce some reality show concepts as regular features, much the way Oprah Winfrey shamelessly apes "American Idol" with her annual singing competitions?

If Leno objects, NBC should simply break up with him. Even if it means eating the cost of his contract, Leno at 10 p.m. just isn't a long-term play for the Peacock.


5.) Think like a loser, spend like a drunken sailor -- and expect recovery to take a while.

One of Zucker's fatal flaws as an overseer of NBC has been his legendary impatience (and short attention span). The man who cut his teeth in the fast-paced world of morning news could never understand that you can't turn around a broadcast network overnight.

Comcast needs to accept and embrace this go-slow reality if it truly wants to rehabilitate NBC.

Leslie Moonves took nearly five years to turn CBS into the frighteningly efficient ratings machine it is today. Steve McPherson had some success at ABC right out of the gate, but five years later, he's still trying to recover from the mess he inherited.

There's simply no quick path back to ratings glory. Networks are built show by show.

The Moonves and McPherson models also demand network chiefs act as if they have nothing to lose. And, perhaps, an unlimited amount of cash to spend.

Devoting millions of dollars to "Survivor" and "Big Brother" in the summer of 2000 probably struck most of Moonves' peers at the time as a bit, well, desperate. Both shows now are part of CBS' very foundation.

Moonves also was painted as a fool by many for shelling out crazy cash to convince Bill Cosby to return to the sitcom format. The show was never a megahit, but it brought buzz and viewers back to a network that seemed to be on the verge of collapse.

Likewise, it takes guts to schedule four new comedies on one night -- but McPherson did just that this fall. So far, so good.

NBC in recent years has been all about maximizing profits and minimizing creative risk-taking. It was a philosophy that fit well for a network wholly owned by GE.

But the GE days will soon be over. In order to bring NBC back from the brink, Comcast needs to be willing to commit the time and money to doing the job right. It needs to pick a leader for the network it trusts and then give her or him plenty of time to turn things around.

Otherwise, Comcast might as well just pull the plug and let the Peacock die with dignity.



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Sources: The Wrap, MSNBC, Money Central, Morning Joe Show, Comcast, NBC, Wikipedia, Youtube, Google Maps

5 Keys To Ensure Passage of Pres. Obama's Health Care Reform Bill This Year

Politico----


It was always going to be hard for President Barack Obama to pass Health Care Reform by the fall. Lately, there are signs it’ll take a political miracle.

Democrats consider Public Insurance a must-have. To Republicans, it’s a deal-killer. And nobody’s figured out yet how to pay for the plan. An $80 billion deal with drug makers announced Saturday helps — but the price tag starts at a trillion-with-a-T.

“The shocker to me is that anyone is shocked,” said Drew Altman, president of the Kaiser Family Foundation. “With the details on the table, it has finally gotten real.”

If Obama has any hope of pulling it off, the next month is critical. Here are the five things supporters say he needs to do — and fast — to make it happen.

1. Put the bully pulpit to work

Obama’s hands-off approach to health care seems to have run its course, some Democrats say.

That doesn’t mean he’ll be attending negotiating sessions on Capitol Hill, but Obama’s supporters are clamoring for him to campaign for health care like his own election was on the line.

In a way, they say, it is — because the fate of health care may well determine the course of his presidency, given how far out on the limb he is in calling for a bill this year.

Obama held one major health care event during each of the last two weeks. On Wednesday, he will host ABC News at the White House for a day of interviews and a health-care town hall. An aide said Obama will do as much as he can, but was non-committal about how much more he’ll do.

But from the diaries of Daily Kos to the party establishment, Democrats say they want a sharper message from a president who has tried not getting too involved.

“I understand that Obama’s White House team has to juggle a lot of issues; I’ve been there,” Democratic strategist Paul Begala wrote on CNN.com. “But if the president wants to pass his ambitious health care reform, he’s going to have to put other, worthy ideas on the back burner.”

Former Clinton Labor Secretary Robert Reich called for more drastic action: “Put everything else on hold. ... By pushing everything at once, you take the public’s mind off the biggest goal, diffuse your energies, blur your public message and fuel the demagogues who say you’re trying to take over the private sector.”

2. Keep it at $999,999,999,999

Well, maybe not literally. But in the Senate Finance Committee — the committee that health care players say matters most — lawmakers are taking a page from car salesmen and clothiers. They want to push the bill underneath an imaginary, mental price threshold, and in the case of health reform, it is $1 trillion.

The problem is, what do you leave out?

The main ideas for cost-cutting focus, not surprisingly, on giving fewer and fewer people government assistance to get insurance. Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-Mont.) trimmed the amount of subsidies available to low-income families to purchase coverage. And the Medicaid expansion may not be as large as once hoped.

That’s exactly what liberals are afraid of — that every cut takes them farther away from their longtime dream of coverage for all. In fact, Obama in the not-so-distant future may have to worry that all this number-crunching will cost him the support of his most liberal supporters, who seriously question whether anything less than $1 trillion truly fulfills his campaign promises.

But the cold reality is that anything much over a trillion probably won’t make it out of the moderate Finance Committee. The strategy is a nod to what they view as the political peril of a big price tag at a time when Americans are growing more concerned that Obama will bust the budget.

3. Decide if bipartisanship matters

This is a big one for Obama and the Democrats, a decision that could shift the entire debate overnight.

Democrats have said they’re willing to wait until October before “going nuclear” and invoking Senate rules that require a simple 51-vote majority, effectively cutting the GOP out of the negotiations.

But that means months of trying to string together support across the board — from single-payer liberals to Iowa Sen. Chuck Grassley, ranking Republican on the Finance Committee. So far, it’s not working, and it’s keeping people like Baucus from throwing his efforts behind a robust public insurance option.

Now some Democrats are saying enough's enough – that these months are too precious to try to eke out a few Republican votes, when negotiations should focus instead on getting a workable bill. In other words, bag bipartisanship long before October.

One grumble on the Hill: Obama has sent confusing messages. Days after writing a letter to key Senate negotiators that he “strongly” believes in a public insurance option, he told them in a private White House meeting that he’s flexible on everything except the outcome: legislation on his desk by the fall.

Some read that as a sign he wants to stick with bipartisanship for now.

Obama got one piece of good news this week: Two big newspaper polls showed more than 70 percent of Americans want a public insurance option. Yet inside the Senate, support is much softer, with both Republican Dick Lugar and Democrat Dianne Feinstein urging Obama to slam on the brakes and study the idea more.

At some point, Obama, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) will need to decide how far they will push the public option and, ultimately, what is more important: two-party support or a public plan.

4. “Let’s Make a Deal: Industry Edition”

Talk about good timing. The deal announced Saturday — between the pharmaceutical industry, Baucus and the White House — for $80 billion in savings on drug costs challenged the emerging story line that health care reform by this fall was in real jeopardy.

So what Obama needs now are more big-dollar deals like that to help him foot the bill -- and show momentum is on his side.

There are some likely targets. Perhaps Obama will win over the influential American Medical Association, which is opposed to a Medicare-like public option, with a more vigorous proposal to rein in the costs of medical malpractice lawsuits — easily their No. 1 issue.

House Democrats already are wooing physicians by pledging to address another priority — a permanent fix to the Medicare payment formula.

The agreement with the drug makers also showed that the Democratic deal making was more aggressive than previously known – suggesting other deals may be in the works -- and it earned grudging respect from Republicans who privately acknowledged it as a skillful move.

5. Decide what he truly wants

Obama probably knows how far he can bend and still get a bill he’ll sign. One problem: No one else knows, and he’s been careful not to define what success means.

He has laid out three principles that leave plenty of wiggle room: Slow the growth in health care costs, expand coverage, and guarantee choice of doctors and private and public insurance plans.

But what does he consider a public insurance plan? Sen. Kent Conrad (D-N.D.) is pitching nonprofit insurance cooperatives — an idea could lure some Republicans and moderate Democrats — but do they fit Obama’s definition of providing competition for private insurers and keeping them honest?

Obama has yet to say.

The liberals in his party consider the Conrad plan a non-starter. The divide is not insignificant. At the same time that Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), the stand-in chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, was telling legions of activists on a conference call Thursday night that he was fully committed to a public option, an outline of the Finance Committee bill had leaked out.

It offered no public plan. Only Conrad’s proposal was included — and even it was tagged as an “open issue.”


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Sources: Politico, Whitehouse.gov, Google Maps